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Salman’s Shake-Up: Saudi Maneuvers Are Bad For The American People

Only 36 percent of Americans consider Saudi Arabia to be a friend or ally and little benefit has come from America’s special relationship with Saudi Arabia, However, U.S. leaders seem to be accountable elsewhere.

The Ritz Carlton Hotel in downtown Riyadh is now serving as a temporary prison, holding some of the 201 people that have been detained on the orders of Crown Prince Mohammad bin Salman. 1,800 bank accounts have been frozen.

The drama is escalating on the international front as well. The Saudis are blaming Iran for a recent missile attack from Yemen. The Prime Minister of Lebanon has resigned from his post while in Riyadh and echoes Saudi rhetoric against Hezbollah.

The price of oil is rising again, the highest its been in two years, approaching $58 per barrel.

What’s going on? Something is clearly boiling below the surface on the Arabian Peninsula. How can we interpret these chaotic moves?

Middle-Men for Wall Street & London

Saudi Aramco President and CEO Abdallah S. Jum’ah, right and Exxon Mobil Corporation President Rex Tillerson, attend a forum on U.S.-Saudi Relations and Global Energy Security, Tuesday, April 27, 2004, in Washington. (AP/Manuel Balce Ceneta)

Why does the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia exist? Did it simply arise naturally? Does the mindset of the people living in the region simply long for this Wahabbi autocracy? This is what certain forces would like us to believe. But the reality is that the rise of the House of Saud, and the prolonged life of this absolute monarchy that beheads and tortures, is closely linked to forces outside the region, namely, western oil bankers.

The British empire discovered, in their efforts to dominate the region, that ibn Saud, known as Abdulaziz in the Arab world, was a great middleman. In 1915, a “friendship and cooperation” pact was signed with this autocratic ruler, and the British supplied him with huge amounts of weapons. It was mainly due to British military and financial support that ibn Saud was able to beat down all his rivals, and dominate the Peninsula. In 1938, oil was discovered, and the third Saudi state, established thanks to British intervention, became even more valuable to its western backers.


In 1944, the oil bankers of the United States moved in on the game. While British Petroleum and HSBC have kept a finger in Riyadh, it was the Rockefeller’s Standard Oil, the predecessor to today’s Exxon-Mobil, along with other American petro-billionaires who became the primary purchasers of Saudi crude.

At this point, Saudi Arabia is a top purchaser of U.S. military hardware and has the fourth largest army on earth. The Kingdom sits at the center of a network of Gulf states with similar political and economic models. In the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, and other oil states in the region, an autocratic monarchy presides over an undeveloped country. These countries have oil fields controlled by American and British corporations and purchase large amounts of U.S. weapons.

In 1973, the United States experienced fuel shortages caused by the OPEC boycott. Americans were told that U.S. involvement in the Middle East was necessary in order to keep the oil flowing.

The 1979 Iranian Revolution, toppling a brutal U.S.-backed dictator, shook the region. The Shia workers of the Saudi oil fields, who are a religious minority in the Kingdom, took inspiration and began fighting for their rights. The United States supported the Saudi King in crushing this mass uprising that was demanding democracy. A prominent figure in the Reagan administration later announced that the U.S. would intervene to protect the monarchy “if there should be anything that resembled an internal revolution in Saudi Arabia.”

Locking Down For War?

Prince Miteb bin Abdul Aziz, son of Saudi King Abdullah bin Abdul Aziz al-Saud, leaves the equestrian club following a horse racing competition in Janadriyah in the outskirts of the Saudi capital Riyadh, Saudi Arabia. (AP/Hassan Ammar)

Among those recently arrested are some big players in Saudi power circles, such as Prince Miteb bin Abdullah, previously the head of the National Guard. Al Waleed bin Talal, a big player on Wall Street, who owns big shares of Citigroup, Microsoft, Four Seasons Holdings Inc., and Apple Inc. has also been arrested.

Prince Mohammed Bin Salman, the son of the King, seems to be the director of this sweeping crackdown, not on dissidents, but within the ruling family itself. Bin Salman has been pushing for reform in Saudi Arabia’s economy, arguing that it should move away from being completely oil-centric. He has also recently announced huge cuts in public spending.

The old policy of “rule by consensus” among the royal family seems to be long gone. Now, even members of the ruling family will have no choice but to march behind the King. And where are King Salman and his son leading them? It appears that they are looking for a wider war.

Already, Saudi Arabia is bombarding its southern neighbor, Yemen. The people of Yemen have asserted their independence in a popular revolution. Saudi cruise missiles and invading mercenaries are fighting to crush the Supreme Political Council. Thousands are already dead, and malnutrition is affecting millions as the Saudis desperately seek to reinstall Mansour Hadi, their handpicked ruler.

Saudi Arabia is backing extremists in Syria as they seek to topple the Syrian government. The anti-government fighters in Syria have used chemical weapons, according to Carla Del Ponte and other UN officials, and have slaughtered Christians and other religious minorities. The Saudis have also sent troops into Bahrain in order to crush popular uprisings which demand democracy. Now, they are echoing Israeli officials and rallying against the government of Lebanon.

US ‘Energy Independence’ & The Saudi Existential Crisis

A Saudi man walks at the Tadawul Saudi Stock Exchange, in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia. (AP/Hasan Jamali)

In 1991, when Iraqi forces moved against the Saudi-aligned Kuwaiti autocracy, the U.S. swung into action. Americans were reminded of the OPEC boycott and told that we had no choice but to protect the Saudi and Kuwaiti regimes, in order to secure the flow of oil. Democrats raised the idea of “energy independence” as the road to peace. “If only we didn’t need their oil,” liberals and environmentalists told us, “then we could leave the Middle East alone.”

Yet, in 2017, the United States has already established energy independence. Hydraulic fracking, a method of extracting oil and natural gas from shale below the soil, has made the U.S. a top domestic oil producer. With the American oil sector in the hands of competing capitalists hungry for profits, deeply irrational things are taking place, as usual. The U.S. still imports Middle Eastern, African, and Latin American oil, while exporting its own oil around the world, with the 1975 oil export ban lifted.

U.S. meddling in the Middle East has not decreased due to “energy independence,” but it has increased. With a greater abundance of oil on the market, American oil companies are even more desperate to remove competitors. The drive to move against countries like Iran, Venezuela, and Russia, with state-run oil companies that function as competitors, is even stronger.

However, the position of Saudi Arabia in this global drive for monopoly is no longer what it once was. The United States doesn’t need Saudi oil the way it once did, and while it has no desire to see competitors sweep up the Saudi oil fields, the sweet spot the Saudis once occupied as irreplaceable suppliers, is slipping away. They are no longer sacred cows in American foreign policy.

Donald Trump openly criticized Saudi Arabia during his presidential campaign, winning lots of applause and receiving no real condemnation for it. The redacted pages from the 9/11 Commission Report, documenting the links between the Saudi government and the hijackers, have been released to the public.

Saudi Arabia is now facing an existential crisis. The Kingdom must prove its value to those who prop it up in Wall Street, London, and Washington. While it no longer has the same economic value, the regime in Riyadh is now working to prove its worth in military terms.

More Chaos, Not America’s Interest

Saudi King Salman presents President Donald Trump with The Collar of Abdulaziz Al Saud Medal at the Royal Court Palace, May 20, 2017, in Riyadh. (AP/Evan Vucci)

The main target of Saudi Arabia’s saber-rattling rhetoric is the Islamic Republic of Iran. After the 1979 Islamic Revolution, Iran established a political order based on the principles of “War of Poverty Against Wealth” and “Not Capitalism But Islam.” Iran’s economy is centrally planned, with state-controlled oil as its lynchpin. Iran is aligned with various anti-imperialist forces throughout the region who call themselves “the Axis of Resistance.”

Saudi Arabia presents the conflict in the region as a war between Sunni and Shia. In reality, the targets of Saudi attack are the forces demanding independence and economic development. They are not religiously sectarian or even unified. The majority of the fighters in the Syrian Arab Army are Sunnis, not Shias like the Iranian leadership. The Zaidi Shias in the Ansar Allah (Houthi) organization in Yemen, are a small minority in the country. Most of the Yemenis fighting against the Saudi onslaught are not Shia either. Hezbollah in Lebanon is a Shia organization, but it sits at the center of a united front, aligning with secular anti-imperialists, nationalists, Christians and communists in a political bloc opposing Israel and the United States.

If Saudi Arabia escalates its actions against forces asserting independence throughout the region, this will likely result in more chaos. Syria, Libya and Yemen are already in turmoil due to Saudi meddling, in cooperation with the United States. Iraq and Afghanistan have been in chaos ever since their governments were toppled by US-led invasions.

Iran has never attacked the United States. Neither has the Syrian Arab Republic. The people of Yemen, the people of Bahrain and Lebanon, pose no threat to the American people. In fact, Hezbollah and the Islamic Revolutionary Guards of Iran are battling so-called Islamic State (ISIS) every day in Syria, alongside the Syrian Arab Army.

Wall Street certainly sees more chaos in the region as beneficial. For the billionaire elite that runs the U.S., further chaos in the Middle East means lots of weapons sales and the destruction of independent governments that function as competitors in the oil market. But for average Americans, the prospects of further instability in the Middle East only means more danger from terrorism, and more tax money wasted on foreign wars.

Polls show that the average American wants less foreign involvement, and has a low opinion of the Saudi autocracy. Only 36 percent of Americans consider Saudi Arabia to be a friend or ally. However, U.S. leaders seem to be accountable elsewhere. The gap of interests, between the American people, and the profit-hungry oil-banking elite is growing larger each day.


Caleb T. Maupin
Caleb Maupin is a MintPress journalist and political analyst who resides in New York City focusing his coverage on US foreign policy and the global system of monopoly capitalism and imperialism. Originally from Ohio, he studied political science at Baldwin-Wallace College. In addition to his journalism, analysis, and commentary, he has engaged in political activism.

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